Immigration, and Its Politics, Shake Rural Iowa, By Monica Davey (NYT)

Along the main thoroughfare of this small meatpacking town, the transformation of a single shop, once known as the Ken-A-Bob restaurant, tells the story of the town itself.

The Ken-A-Bob, an old-fashioned buffet with American classics of fried chicken and roast beef, went out of business and reopened as Sichanh market, catering to a wave of immigrants from Laos. Now the shelves are also packed with Mexican spices, tostadas, chicharrones, the walls covered in signs in Spanish for Mary Kay cosmetics, baby sitters and Senator Barack Obama.

The nation’s struggle over immigration may seem distant in states like Iowa, hundreds of miles from any border, but the debate is part of daily life here, more than ever now as residents prepare to pick a president. Nearly all of more than two dozen people interviewed here last week said they considered immigration policy at or near the top of their lists of concerns as they look to the presidential caucuses next month.

And yet, nearly everyone interviewed said that none of the political candidates had arrived at a position on immigration that fully satisfied them. In real life, they said, the issues surrounding immigration, both legal and illegal, were far more complicated than bumper sticker slogans or jabs on a debate stage or even the carefully picked language of campaign policy papers.

The subject went largely unaddressed in Wednesday’s Republican debate in Des Moines after the moderator discouraged discussion of immigration, suggesting that Iowans already were familiar with the candidates’ positions.

Those who said they favored granting a path to citizenship for the estimated 12 million illegal immigrants already in this country were leaning mainly toward Democratic presidential candidates, but most said they wished their candidate could better explain how to carry out such a path practically and fairly.

And those who said they favored tough and immediate penalties for illegal immigrants said they mostly favored Republicans (though not Senator John McCain, who seemed to draw special ire here for what people called his disappointingly lax position), but said they had doubts that so many people could really be found or punished.

“I care about the illegal immigration issue a lot,” said David F. Friedrich, a farmer who said he was a supporter of President Bush and had yet to decide who he would support. “But when you start looking for solutions, I just don’t know. I think it’s too far gone.”

Like a handful of communities in Iowa — places named Denison, Ottumwa, Postville and Marshalltown — Storm Lake, a city of about 10,000, offers a glimpse at how new immigration has transformed the nation’s rural middle and with it, the political landscape.

Two decades ago, less than 1 percent of the people in Buena Vista County, where Storm Lake is the county seat, were Hispanic. By last year, the county had the highest percentage of Hispanic people of any county in Iowa, with 19.2, compared with less than 4 percent statewide. Buena Vista County also ranks highest in Iowa in percentages of those learning English in school, of recent international immigrants and of residents born in other countries.

In the interviews here, peoples’ focus on immigration held regardless of what perspective they brought to the debate, whether they were Democrats or Republicans, Hispanic or not, recent arrivals or lifelong Iowans.

Some, like Bob DeMey, said they were troubled by all the change in Storm Lake, which was once almost exclusively white but which, Mr. DeMey said, has come to be known among his friends as Little Mexico. So much immigration — mainly illegal immigration, he says — has taken meatpacking jobs away from the locals, left the schools jammed, and driven up crime.

“They ought to be all shipped back to where they came from,” said Mr. DeMey, who is retired.

Others, like Cindy Molgaard, said they worried that raids on illegal immigrants would drive away a group that kept Storm Lake thriving and growing and selling goods even as other Midwestern towns shriveled and eventually disappeared.

“As a country, we have saved so many human beings, so why wouldn’t we save the people who are already right here with us, part of us?” Ms. Molgaard, who favors Mr. Obama, said of creating a path to grant citizenship for those who are already here. “I used to swear there was not a bigot anywhere in Storm Lake, but as soon as minorities started moving in, they came out of the woodwork.”

Steve Salts, who sells cars, said he considered himself a “damn good Democrat” and was leaning toward Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton, but was upset by notions the Democrats had offered in support of an immigration package, which failed this year in Washington and would have given some illegal immigrants a chance, ultimately, to stay.

“What’s right is right, and I just don’t like the illegal alien part of it with the Democrats,” said Mr. Salts, who added that he had been impressed by elements of what Fred D. Thompson, a Republican and former Tennessee senator, had suggested, including tough border enforcement and making English the official language.

“Then again, maybe we can’t remove all these people,” Mr. Salts said. “Maybe we’ve got to just live with it. I mean, look around.”

With processing plants for hogs and for turkeys, Storm Lake sits in Iowa’s northwestern region, an agricultural area with strong Republican leanings and one some say feels more than geographically remote from Des Moines, the state’s urban center.

In 1970, people of mostly German and Scandinavian ancestry dominated this town. Soon, refugees from Southeast Asia began arriving, many working in meatpacking. Then, in the 1990s, a wave of Latinos appeared, said Sara Huddleston, a native of Mexico first elected to the Storm Lake City Council more than four years ago.

Today, minority residents make up more than 40 percent of the population, law enforcement officials here say; the numbers in the local schools, the authorities there say, are even higher — 49 percent Hispanic, 10 percent Asian, 4 percent African-American.

What no one knows is how many of the immigrants are illegal. At Tyson Fresh Meats, which now owns the plant that was first built in 1953 and employs 1,800 people (about half of them Hispanic), officials said they had “zero tolerance” for employing people who were not authorized to work in the United States.

Residents here seem sympathetic to the companies; people who want to cheat will find a way to do it, they said. Most scoffed at the recent complaints against Mitt Romney, a Republican candidate, for employing a landscaping company that included illegal workers.

“It’s easy to say you’re against illegal immigration but how do you know who is who?” said Mike Rust, the owner of Rust’s Western Shed, which sells uniforms and work boots to Tyson employees.

Russell Eddie, a local Republican Party leader, said he thought illegal immigration would play a significant role in the presidential election. And Representative Steve King, an Iowa Republican who has taken an extremely firm line against illegal immigration and has won three terms, said he heard from concerned constituents about it constantly.

But some Latinos here said the issue would backfire for the Republicans.

Raids in other meatpacking towns have left some people here fearful, said Roberto Gonzalez, who was working behind the counter of a Mexican restaurant. Some will not even venture outside now, Mr. Gonzalez said. But those who can vote, he said, will oppose the Republicans.

“To me, they look like they’re just about discrimination against Hispanics,” Mr. Gonzalez said, adding that he favored Mrs. Clinton. “She is for the Hispanics,” he said.

Inside the old Ken-A-Bob, now the Sichanh market, where the sign boasts “Mexican food” out front, Siamphay Khamphavong says she has yet to pick a candidate. Ms. Khamphavong, 21, who came to the United States from Laos at age 3 and whose relatives worked at the meatpacking plant before they bought this market, said she believed that immigration had brought a positive change to Storm Lake, that people mostly got along, that everyone could surely co-exist.

Still, she said, whoever becomes president must secure the border and stop illegal immigration right away. “If you don’t get the right papers, you need to go back,” she said. “You can’t just run in and not follow the rules.”

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**Image Courtesy of Eric Thayer for The New York Times: "I care about the illegal immigration issue a lot." DAVID F. FRIEDRICH, a farmer, with his wife, Patricia

US-Mexico Border Fence Gets Cut in Half, from Foreign Policy's Top 10 Stories of 2007

In the run-up to the 2006 U.S. midterm elections, conservative lawmakers—desperate to show supporters they were making progress on immigration and border security—easily passed the Secure Fence Act, authorizing the construction of 700 miles of double-layered, reinforced fencing along the U.S.-Mexico border. Lost in the shuffle was the fact that Congress had only earmarked enough money to build 370 miles' worth of wall. Give it another budget year, the barrier's strongest backers said, and the rest of the cash would surely make its way south.

But they might want to check with the chief of U.S. Border Patrol, David Aguilar. The military industry's National Defense magazine reported that at an April press conference, Aguilar suggested that the physical fence will indeed stop at the 370-mile mark. Making up the remaining 330 miles will be a "virtual" wall of surveillance and radar equipment, hardly the kind of compromise that will satisfy those who, like Republican presidential candidate Duncan Hunter, want the entire 1,933-mile border double-fenced and topped with razor wire. A spokesman for the U.S. Customs and Border Protection agency says that hundreds of miles of vehicle barriers—concrete tubes set in the ground to prevent cars from crossing the border—are also due to be built by the end of 2008. But those who wanted a Fortress America are finding that Washington's plan for their beloved fence is full of holes.

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**Image Courtesy of Luis Acosta/Getty Images

Immigrants Haven't Worn Out The Welcome Mat in Arlington, By Pamela Constable (WP)

When nearby counties began trying to drive out illegal immigrants this summer, Arlington said it would treat everyone with "dignity and respect, regardless of immigration status."

Other counties felt overwhelmed by immigrants, but Arlington officials said they would happily provide them with every service allowed by law.

After three decades of working to make foreigners feel welcome, Arlington has good reason to pointedly reaffirm this philosophical embrace. More than one in four residents is a first- or second-generation immigrant, yet the county boasts low crime and unemployment rates. School test scores are high, and newcomers interact peaceably with fifth-generation residents. That success results in part from the county's history of attracting a gradual, diverse stream of foreigners and in part from its strong efforts to help integrate them in the community.

Still, commercial development and rising real estate prices are making Arlington less affordable to many new immigrants, and school officials and business owners report that a sense of fear is beginning to filter in.

"The attitude has always been: They're here. They're part of the community. Let's help them succeed," said Chris Zimmerman, a longtime County Board member. He said his children attended schools with classmates from dozens of countries. "They got something from those relationships that you can't teach in a curriculum or show in test scores," he said, "something that will benefit them their entire lives."

The origins and evolution of immigrant communities in Arlington, a compact county of 200,000 where public school students speak 120 languages, have sowed economic success and social goodwill. Counties such as Prince William and Loudoun have faced a recent wave of Hispanic immigrants, many poorly educated and some illegal, but Arlington has received a more manageable and diverse flow, beginning with Vietnamese refugees who arrived in the late 1970s with extensive federal aid.

The county had more time and resources to study and meet immigrant needs. Arlington pioneered in teaching English to foreigners of all ages, made business licenses and loans accessible to immigrant enterprises, hired bilingual teachers and police, and established social services in ethnic enclaves.

This approach helped contain problems that festered elsewhere, including Latino gang violence and public loitering by day laborers looking for work.

Some immigrants became pillars of Arlington's cultural and economic life. One was Nguyen Van Thoi, a Vietnamese refugee and prisoner of war who arrived in 1978, opened a restaurant called Nam Viet and expanded to six eateries before he died of cancer in 2005. His eldest son now manages the family businesses, and his widow hosts an annual gathering of former POWs.

"Arlington always embraced us. I don't think we would have been able to flourish as much anyplace else," said the son, John Nguyen, 31. Thoi's restaurants benefited from small-business loans and tax incentives, and his children assimilated rapidly through county schools. Nguyen said about 400 people, including Arlington officials, attended his father's funeral. "More than anything, that tells you what this county is about," he said.

Waves of immigrants followed the Vietnamese, including thousands of refugees from conflicts in the Horn of Africa and Central America. They were attracted by Arlington's location, affordable housing, open-minded reputation and well-endowed school system, which kept up with the flow by expanding programs to boost the newcomers' skills, ambitions and sense of belonging.

Today, Arlington students consistently score high in English-based testing. At Gunston Middle School, eighth-grade geography students discuss the meaning of "assimilation" and "culture," exchanging examples of their native food, clothing and language. Science students conduct experiments while being taught simultaneously in English and Spanish.

"We're constantly trying new ways to keep them focused and engaged," Principal Margaret Gill said. Activities include homework clubs, brochures and parenting classes. "They aren't immune to negative headlines, but there are no barriers here. We see every child as potentially college-bound."

For immigrants who cannot keep up in high school or are too old to attend, the Arlington Mill Community Center provides free crash-course adult learning. This fall, students in the world history class include clowning Central American teenagers, tired South Asian night-shift workers and a gracious Lebanese woman fluent in French.

"The teachers here care whether we understand, and they even ask our opinions," said Huguette Assaf, 52, the immigrant from Beirut. "This is very different from what happens back home."

Assaf also said local residents had taken time to help her as a newcomer. "They hear my accent, and I hear theirs," she said. "It is slow, but people are patient."

Immigrants have benefited from the county's being a bastion of liberal Democratic activism -- not unlike Takoma Park, a self-proclaimed "sanctuary city" for illegal immigrants. Many native Arlingtonians have international experience, including government travel and stints in the Peace Corps. Residents of North Arlington, which is more affluent and has fewer immigrants than South Arlington, appear just as proud of the county's reputation.

Hispanics have a champion in Walter Tejada, a U.S. citizen from El Salvador who was elected to the County Board in 2003. Tejada, who was reelected this month, said one of his priorities is to preserve Arlington's inclusive spirit. Illegal immigration, a burning election issue in other counties, was virtually unmentioned in that race.

Over the years, Arlington's immigrant population has shifted with the economic tides. Latin American families saved their money and bought townhouses in Herndon. Whole blocks of Asian shops moved to Fairfax. Lately, smaller groups have arrived from Mongolia and the former Soviet Union.

Today, the social and governmental welcome for foreign newcomers remains warm, but the economic reception is becoming colder. Along the apartment-lined bus routes where immigrants flocked for years, such as Clarendon Boulevard and Columbia Pike, new commercial corridors are pricing them out.

"It's really sad to see," said Hailu Dama, 50, who owns an Ethiopian restaurant and bakery on Columbia Pike. "Arlington was always a wonderful place for immigrants to integrate. They went the extra mile to help businesses like mine, and in one neighborhood, 16 or 17 countries would be represented. But now, with real estate prices and property taxes going through the roof, it is killing a little bit of that diversity."

There are also signs that the chilling effects of new policies elsewhere are beginning to be felt in Arlington. At Arlington Mill school, officials said they had received many calls this summer asking whether applicants had to bring proof of residency. And at El Rancho Migueleno restaurant, owner Oscar Amaya said his business had plummeted.

"Arlington is supposed to be totally safe for immigrants, but people are getting scared here, too," Amaya said. "The economy is good, the people are friendly, and the police got rid of the gangs. But there is a feeling of insecurity now, and people are talking about leaving. I want to tell them, 'Come back. Arlington is different.' But something bigger is happening, and I worry it is happening here, too."

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**Photo Courtesy of Carol Guzy (The Washington Post)

In the Ballot Booths, No Fixation on Immigration, By Amy Gardner (WP)

Voters across Virginia chose candidates in state and local elections yesterday not out of anger over illegal immigration but based on party affiliation, a preference for moderation and strong views on such key issues as residential growth and traffic congestion.

With a few notable exceptions, the trend benefited Democrats and not those who campaigned the loudest for tough sanctions against illegal immigrants.

Fairfax County continued its transformation into solid Democratic territory, with as many as five legislative seats poised to fall out of Republican control. In Loudoun County, Democrats who campaigned on a promise to slow residential growth took over the county board. Even in Prince William County, where the board's chairman, Corey L. Stewart (R), won easily on a vow to crack down against illegal immigrants, the volatile issue was tempered by the victory of state Sen. Charles J. Colgan (D-Manassas), who had been painted as soft on the issue.

The returns provided the sharpest evidence yet that Democratic gains in recent state elections represented more than a temporary dip in Republicans' popularity. Yesterday's initial results showed that a more long-term structural realignment may be occurring and that voters are increasingly drawn by Democrats' promises to improve schools and ease traffic and away from Republican conservatism on such issues as taxes and social policy, particularly in fast-growing Northern Virginia.

"I did not think that immigration in and of itself would carry the day," said Sen. Richard L. Saslaw (Fairfax), who would become majority leader under Democratic control. "The results are proving that, while immigration is a concern to people -- and it should be -- it is not returning the votes that they thought that it would."

Greg Blevins, a 17-year resident of Prince William, might have been a typical voter deciding yesterday's crucial contests. Although concerned about enforcement of immigration law, Blevins said he voted for both Democrats and Republicans because his main concerns also include roads and schools, for which he is willing to pay higher taxes. "I want to see tax money spent where it is raised," he said.

The most significant impact of yesterday's results will be in the state Senate, where power will shift dramatically to Northern Virginia. Colgan is in line to become chairman of the Finance Committee, gaining the power to increase spending for Northern Virginia colleges and universities, hospitals, roads, cultural institutions and more. Other regional lawmakers are in line to lead committees, making them able to set the agenda on such topics as controlling development, redrawing political district lines after the next census and recalculating school aid formulas to benefit the region.

In the House of Delegates, Republicans will still hold a significant if smaller majority.

State Sen. Kenneth W. Stolle (R-Virginia Beach) said his party didn't drum up the immigration issue out of nowhere. Candidates were forced to talk about it by constituents who wanted the issue addressed, he said.

Republican losses yesterday, even in solidly GOP districts, he said, were more often the result of a candidate being too conservative for the moderate direction most voters want Virginia to take.

"If you want to take a look at who's winning in the Republican Party, it's middle-of-the-road Republicans who have not moved too far to the right that they're considered extremists," he said.

Stolle conceded that Democrats carried a huge advantage this election year in part because of the role of such popular leaders as Gov. Timothy M. Kaine and former governor Mark R. Warner, who have been touring the state pressing voters to seek the same change in the legislature that they sought when they voted them into office in the past two gubernatorial races.

Fairfax Board Chairman Gerald E. Connolly, who easily defeated Republican Gary H. Baise to win a second term, said the Democratic effort in his county was "unprecedented," punctuated yesterday morning by the effort of hundreds of volunteers who worked across the county hanging signs, making calls and knocking on doors.

"That's a culmination of a coordinated campaign effort that's been going on since the spring," he said. "We had 12 full-time staffers working in Fairfax County. We had a trailer at the back of our headquarters with 20 or 30 computers. We made 10,700 phone calls yesterday alone."

One advantage for Democrats was the poor approval ratings of President Bush and the unpopularity of the war in Iraq. Another was the growing tide of Democratic-leaning voters moving into fast-growing Northern Virginia and Hampton Roads.

Robert D. Holsworth, a political science professor at Virginia Commonwealth University, called it the "decline of the Republican brand" and credited it with rallying Democratic activists, bringing forward credible Democratic candidates and attracting hundreds of thousands of dollars in contributions to Democratic campaigns.

Democratic supporters of J. Chapman Petersen, who beat state Sen. Jeannemarie Devolites Davis, the Republican incumbent, in Fairfax, said they had long hoped that a candidate would come along who could match her on the issues. "Chap's a good Democrat," said voter John C. Wasley IV, a librarian who has lived in the area most of his life. "Transportation and the environment were the big issues for me, and Chap's on the right side of both of them."

Republicans were noticeably less organized in the final weeks of the campaign, with fewer and smaller rallies across the state and with their top leaders, including party chairman John H. Hager, Attorney General Robert F. McDonnell and Lt. Gov. Bill Bolling, barely in public view in the final days.

What is still unknown is the effect of yesterday's results on 2008, another tumultuous election year when Virginians will choose a replacement for retiring U.S. Sen. John W. Warner (R) and when the state might even be in play in the presidential contest. A Democratic presidential candidate hasn't gained a majority of Virginians' votes since 1964.

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Complexity of Immigrants' National Ties Explored, By Karin Brulliard (WP)

The majority of Hispanic immigrants maintain ties to their native countries by sending money, calling or traveling to their homelands, but most see their future in the United States despite these long-distance links, a new study has found.

Just 9 percent of Latino immigrants are "highly attached" to their birth countries -- defined by researchers as doing all three "transnational activities": dispatching funds, phoning weekly or going home in the past two years. Most sustain moderate bonds by doing one or two. But those attachments fade with time, according to a Pew Hispanic Center report based on a nationwide survey of Latinos.

"What's striking is that although the long-term trend is toward disengagement . . . most immigrants are involved in some form of contact with the place which they're from," said Roger Waldinger, a sociology professor at the University of California, Los Angeles, and author of the report. "What we have is a population that, as we tried to describe, is between here and there."

Although research on transnationalism -- having a life that straddles two countries -- is fairly recent, scholars debate how new the phenomenon is. Some say Latino immigrants are in the vanguard of a phenomenon fueled by advances in communications and transportation. Many others, including Waldinger, say this behavior is similar to that of 19th- and 20th-century European immigrants, who often sent letters and money across the Atlantic and later returned home to live. But no one collected the data back then, so direct comparisons are impossible, he said.

There are also disagreements over how transnationalism affects newcomers' commitment to their adopted lands. In the case of Latino immigrants, the Pew study found, transnational activities do not hinder bonds to the United States. More than 60 percent -- recent and long-term immigrants, U.S. citizens and noncitizens -- say they plan to stay and are more concerned about politics and government in the United States than in their native countries.

But the report makes clear that immigrants' interactions with and feelings about their homelands are complicated and varied. The longer Latino immigrants live in the United States, the more their transnational activities drop off and they see this nation as their "real homeland," the survey found. Still, nearly all consider themselves first Peruvians or Mexicans, say, rather than Americans. Although recent arrivals are more likely to send money home, they are less likely to travel home than are established Hispanic immigrants.

As the report puts it: "Home country and host country options coexist among many immigrants and may indeed be mutually compatible."

Just ask Mabelon Obregon, a Peru native who owns a Fairfax City bagel shop. After 15 years in the United States, he said, he rarely sends money to, calls or travels to Peru. Most of his relatives have died or moved, he said. Obregon, 38, is certain his children will always call the United States home. But he said that once he and his wife retire, they might spend time in Peru. "Half year there, half here," he said.

The complexity is further illustrated by variations among different national groups, whose paths are often dictated by country-specific situations, the report says. For example, Cubans, who are mostly exiles, engage in few cross-border activities, because U.S. policies limit travel and money transfers to Cuba. But their identity as Cubans remains very strong, Waldinger said.

Although 70 percent of Salvadorans send money home, only a small percentage travel and call home regularly. That is probably because they are often poor and in the United States illegally or on temporary permits that do not allow most international travel, Waldinger said.

Then there are the Colombians, who maintain the deepest ties, Waldinger said, and who are more likely to be affiliated with ethnic organizations in this country and to own property in their homeland than are most other immigrants. They are also likely to have legal status and greater wealth, he said.

Among them is Fidel Hurtado, 44, who moved to Reston eight years ago from Pereira, Colombia. Hurtado, a bank employee and permanent U.S. resident, said he phones home several times a week, sends relatives money every two weeks and travels to Colombia often, most recently to deliver to Colombian children scholarship money raised by a Northern Virginia nonprofit group.

Hurtado said he will consider himself both American and Colombian once he becomes a U.S. citizen. And he will stay.

"My heart is there, but my strength and my energy are here," Hurtado said.

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As the Poles Get Richer, Fewer Seek British Jobs, By Julia Werdigier (NYT)

LONDON — When Piotr Farbiszewski landed here three years ago, he had enough money in his pocket to live for two weeks.

A successful technology consultant in Warsaw, he and his wife, Ela, a schoolteacher, had come to London to try it on for size; if they liked it, they would stay. To earn money, he worked as a builder while she flipped hamburgers.

They decided that they liked London, and within a year, Mr. Farbiszewski was a senior programmer at a software company. In March, the couple bought a small terraced house outside London, where they plan to raise a family.

“We’re very happy here,” Mr. Farbiszewski, 31, said. “The quality of life is better, the economy is stronger, there is less bureaucracy, it’s a multicultural society and the lady in the supermarket will smile at me. People don’t smile at each other in Poland.”

The Farbiszewskis are small players in one of Europe’s most successful immigration stories. Since Poland joined the European Union in 2004 and Britain, unlike France and most other members, welcomed Polish workers, an estimated 1.1 million Poles, mainly young, have come to Britain. Today, they are the third-largest group of immigrants in the country, behind Irish and Indians.

Britain has benefited. On Tuesday, the Home Office estimated that immigration added £6 billion ($12.3 billion) to the nation’s economy last year. According to David Blanchflower of the Bank of England’s monetary policy committee, East European immigration has also reduced inflation pressure by increasing the supply of goods and services.

Indeed, Britain may soon face a novel immigration problem. As Poland’s economy has improved this year, immigration has slowed, which economists say could cause labor shortages in British industries.

When Poland and nine other new members, most of them former Communist countries, were admitted to the European Union, many West Europeans feared an influx of cheap labor. In May 2005 in France, opponents of a new European constitution used the labor threat — personified by an archetypal “Polish plumber” who would steal French jobs — to help defeat the proposed constitution in a national referendum.

But Britain, along with Ireland and Sweden, welcomed workers from the new European Union members — partly because they took physically demanding, minimum-wage jobs that many native-born Britons snubbed and partly because a wide range of industries in this country were suffering labor shortages.

Today, the reputation of Polish construction workers, nannies and caregivers is so high that other East Europeans sometimes say they are Polish to increase their chances of being hired. At Strathaird Salmon, a fish farm in Scotland, more than a third of the employees are from Poland.

Immigration opponents were correct on one point: on average, Poles earn £7.30 ($14.93) an hour, compared with £11.10 ($22.70) an hour for Britons, according to a report by the Institute for Public Policy Research, a British institute.

In some regions, Britons worry that immigrants are pushing up housing costs and crime rates. The Polish influx was much larger than the government anticipated and unlike most previous waves of migrants — from South Asia and the Caribbean, for instance — the Poles did not restrict themselves to the cities.

Some settled in remote towns of East Anglia and the Midlands, areas with little experience in immigration, where there have been some complaints of school overcrowding and a lack of personnel able to teach children whose native language is not English.

But a decline in Polish immigrants could be a bigger problem than a surplus. “People still come,” said Ania Heasley, who arrived from Poland 16 years ago and now runs a recruitment agency, “though with less hurrah and enthusiasm because they have realized the cost of living here is higher than they thought and if you don’t speak English you will only get a low-paid job.”

In addition to a better economic climate in Poland, Britain is also something of a victim of its Polish immigrants’ success. Many who started in low-skilled jobs have improved their English and moved up the career ladder. Many Poles now reject lower-paying jobs, or team up with trade unions to ask for better pay and benefits.

This could present problems for British employers, which have relied on immigrants to fill certain unappealing jobs. The National Farmers’ Union warned last month, for instance, that there are few alternatives to immigration if Britain is to prevent a labor shortage that could damage agriculture.

Even before 2004, Britain’s farms relied heavily on seasonal workers from Poland covered under a special agreement to help during the harvest season. Once Poland joined the European Union, many of these seasonal workers became full-time regulars, but the demand for seasonal workers remained high.

The construction industry could also face shortages as London prepares for the 2012 Olympics and these could be heightened by the government’s promise to build new affordable housing, as well as renovate and improve hospitals, schools and the rail system.

According to a World Bank survey, thousands of Bulgarians and Romanians are eager to work in Britain, but are unlikely to get the chance because, unlike the Poles, they did not gain work-permit rights when their countries joined the European Union at the beginning of 2007. The restrictions, which have generated debate over the benefits and costs of immigration, are up for review this year, and their fate is uncertain.

Jan Mokrzycki, president of the Federation of Poles in Great Britain, said anecdotal evidence suggested that about 30 percent of Poles, mainly skilled workers and those able to speak English, were staying in Britain while many less skilled migrants, mainly from Poland’s poorer southeast, were leaving.

“At the beginning, most questions we heard were about finding work,” said Mr. Mokrzycki, who came from Poland with his parents in 1948. “Now, people ring to ask how they can get their children into a better school or how to deal with landlords. We even get the odd marital problem these days.”

Racism is not a problem he often hears about. Rather, many Poles are struggling to warm to British cuisine, said Mr. Mok- rzycki, who despite living in Britain for the last 60 years still needs his wife’s Polish cucumber soup at least twice a week.

Such cravings have led to a growing industry of Polish bars, restaurants and shops. “Food is very important for us Poles,” said Beata Ciepal, 42, who came to Britain two years ago with her 14-year old daughter after losing her job at a software company in Poland. “I only buy Polish sausages. I don’t like the British ones.”

Last year, British banks, supermarkets and brewers started to discover the lucrative market in catering to Poles in Britain, with combined disposable income estimated around $4 billion a year by some analysts.

Lloyds bank not only began translating brochures into Polish and hiring Polish-speaking staff members, but stopped asking for proof of address to open an account after realizing that most Polish immigrants cannot provide it because they are in temporary quarters or informal sublets.

Tesco, the country’s largest supermarket chain, said in July that demand for its Polish food specialties, like pulpety (meatballs) and chocolate-jam cookies called delicje, was growing so fast that from 2006 to 2007, it doubled the range of products and widened distribution to 370 stores from 10.

SABMiller, the London-based brewer, started importing Tyskie, Poland’s best-selling beer, two years ago. “There’s been nothing like this,” said John Littleton of Miller Brands UK. “We’re actually now struggling to keep up with demand.”

Of course, Britons share some historical links with Poland — many Poles fought with the British in World War II and decided to settle in this country rather than returning home to live under Communism.

And the Poles are affecting the natives, too. Leila McAlister, who imports Polish sausage and pickled cucumbers, including some for sale in up-market stores like Whole Foods and Selfridges, says most of her staff is Polish but most customers are not.

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**Image Courtesy of Jonathan Player, NYT (A post-punk band performing at the Polish Cultural Institute in London. Many of the immigrants surmount language difficulties.)

New Fear Leads Both Legal, Illegal Latinos To Leave Pr. William, By N.C. Aizenman (WP)

Supporters of the anti-illegal immigration measure adopted in Prince William County last week have argued that its most important purpose is to send a powerful signal to the county's mostly Latino illegal immigrants that they are no longer welcome.

It appears the message has already been received: Terrified that new policies will lead to mass deportations, illegal immigrants and the many legal immigrant relatives and friends who live with them have been moving out of Prince William ever since July, when county supervisors first approved the plan's outline.

The size of the migration is difficult to measure, particularly during a year when slumping housing prices and skyrocketing foreclosures have led many residents to move for purely economic reasons.

Still, signs of the growing climate of fear are everywhere.

At the Freetown Market, a convenience store in a heavily Latino section of Woodbridge that offers U-Haul trucks for hire, one-way rentals have jumped from between 10 and 20 a month just before July to about 40 a month today.

In the same strip mall, at a money-transfer store where the customer line to pay utility bills once snaked out the door, business has slowed so dramatically the past three months that one clerk has been let go and the remaining one spends most of her time on the computer, e-mailing gloomy updates to relatives back home in Guatemala.

A few doors down, staff workers at the IMA English language academy will soon be taking the American flag decorations off the walls and moving to a smaller space, because the number of students has plummeted from 350 to about 60 since July.

"There is a mass panic," said the academy's owner, Roberto Catacora. "Those who haven't already moved away don't dare step outside their houses."

Although one of the new measures directs county police to check the immigration status of only criminal suspects, many immigrants think that all Latinos will be subject to random sweeps, Catacora added.

The effect on his once-bustling academy was palpable on a recent weeknight, when all but one of the six classrooms were deserted.

Among the absent students was Jose Luis Pubeac, 42, a day laborer who sneaked into the country 18 months ago. He was busy preparing for his flight back to El Salvador on Saturday.

"I was already thinking of going home, because I was having such a hard time finding work," said Pubeac, speaking on his cellphone as he raced around picking up presents for his five children back home. "But this law convinced me it was time. [They] hate us so much here."

Most departing immigrants, however, appear to be moving closer afield, choosing states such as North Carolina or neighboring counties such as Prince George's or Arlington that they perceive as less hostile.

In August, Walter Ramirez settled on Alexandria.

A 29-year-old construction worker, Ramirez was not personally at risk from Prince William's crackdown because he has a temporary permit granted to many Salvadorans when an earthquake devastated their country in 2001.

But his roommates were a different story. And after the July resolution was adopted, they were overcome with stifling paranoia.

"I used to walk over to the supermarket every day to pick up food or a phone card or just to hang out," recalled one roommate, a 22-year-old from Honduras who sneaked into the United States three years ago. "But suddenly it seemed like there were so many police officers there, so I limited myself to once a week. It was so stressful, because you feel totally locked up, like you're a prisoner in your own home," he added, speaking on the condition of anonymity.

Ramirez nodded his head sympathetically. The two were sitting on a large tan couch that took up almost the entire living room of their new home, a walled-off section of a ramshackle colonial house on a leafy cul-de-sac.

The cramped quarters are a step down from the well-kept apartment they rented in Woodbridge, where each man paid $275 a month for his own room and had access to the nicely landscaped complex's swimming pool. In Alexandria, they pay $400 each for shared rooms, make do with a hot plate in place of a stove and are no longer walking distance from friends and shops.

"It's a more isolated life here, and that's a sacrifice. But I had no choice," Ramirez said. "My buddies are like my family. I can't live in a place where they are going to be persecuted."

Several real estate agents who serve Latino immigrants predicted that more people will reach the same conclusion as Ramirez now that the Prince William Board of County Supervisors has given final approval to the anti-illegal immigration measure.

"This is not something that only affects the undocumented," agent Rosie Vilchez said. "Because in the same family, it's so common to have some people who are citizens, some people who are residents and some who are undocumented. And those with papers are going to do whatever is necessary to protect those without."

Within hours of the board's vote, Salvadoran-born Aracely Diaz instructed her real estate agent to put her townhouse on the market.

Diaz, a supermarket checkout clerk, was one of nearly 400 people who waited for hours to comment on the bill during the marathon pre-vote session that stretched into Wednesday's wee hours.

"Even after they passed that July resolution, I had hope that [the supervisors] would change their minds," said Diaz, 37, who has legal status but worries about relatives who do not.

Now, she noted bitterly, "I'll be selling at a loss. But I don't care. I no longer have any affection for this place that treats us this way. I just want to get out."

Jose Ventura, a Salvadoran mason renting an apartment in Manassas, cites similar reasons for his decision to move not just his residence but also his business to Maryland.

Ventura, 38, who came to the United States seven years ago and then received the temporary protected status because of the earthquake in his homeland, smiled ruefully as he recalled the sense of possibility that suffused Prince William back then. "Oh, it was so great. There was so much work," he said.

He took two jobs to save enough to start a masonry company, then built it into a 35-person operation.

But a slowdown in the construction industry has forced Ventura to cut his workforce to 15 people. Meanwhile, his plan to buy a new house and offset some of the mortgage by renting some of the rooms backfired after county residents called for a crackdown on overcrowding. A few days ago, the bank foreclosed on the property, wiping out all $80,000 of his savings and leaving him $20,000 in debt.

The supervisors' unanimous approval of the anti-illegal immigration resolution struck Ventura as the last straw.

"I feel like when this county was growing, when they needed us, they welcomed us Latinos with open arms," he said. "But now that the county is all grown up and times are hard, it's totally turned its back on us. They are so ungrateful."

**Story Link
**Image Courtesy of By Gerald Martineau, WP(Prince William County has "totally turned its back on us," says Jose Ventura, a mason. So he's moving himself and his business to Maryland)

GOP Finds Hot Button in Illegal Immigration, By Jonathan Weisman (WP)

When Republican Jim Ogonowski launched his long-shot bid for Congress, he prepared for an upbeat campaign in his Democratic, working-class district of Massachusetts, based on a winning sum: affable hay farmer, former Air Force lieutenant colonel, and brother of an American Airlines pilot whose hijacked plane slammed into the World Trade Center on Sept. 11, 2001.

But by last month, although opinion polling showed that he was well liked, he was still running 10 points behind Democrat Niki Tsongas with just weeks to go before a special election. The campaign needed a way to go beyond biography, to persuade Northern Massachusetts to vote Republican. They found it in illegal immigration.

On Tuesday, Ogonowski still fell short, but Tsongas's 51 to 45 percent victory was a shocker in a district where both John F. Kerry and Al Gore took 57 percent of the vote, and where liberal Democratic Rep. Martin T. Meehan served comfortably for eight terms. The underwhelming victory of the wife of deceased former senator Paul Tsongas has rekindled Democratic concerns about an immigration issue they had hoped had been put to rest.

"This issue has real implications for the country. It captures all the American people's anger and frustration not only with immigration, but with the economy," said Rep. Rahm Emanuel (Ill.), chairman of the House Democratic Caucus and an architect of the Democratic congressional victories of 2006. "It's self-evident. This is a big problem."

Republicans, sensing a major vulnerability, have been hammering Democrats, forcing Congress to face the question of illegal immigration on every bill they can find, from agriculture spending and housing assistance to the State Children's Health Insurance Program (SCHIP).

House Democrats are so concerned that they have resumed talks on a new legislative push, even though the collapse of an immigration deal in the Senate this spring has left virtually no chance that a final bill can be passed in this Congress.

But even in the early stages of this renewed effort, negotiations have only underscored the party's problems. Some Democratic leaders want what they call a "mini bill," emphasizing border control, penalties on firms that employ illegal immigrants and stronger efforts to deny illegal immigrants government benefits. But Rep. Luis V. Gutierrez (D-Ill.), the point man on the bill, said he will never accept a measure that does not include a pathway to citizenship for the 12 million undocumented workers in the country.

"I think the Democrats are on the wrong side of this issue, and if they continue down this path, they are going to lose a lot of seats," said Matt Wylie, a strategist for the Ogonowski campaign.

The issue has shifted since concerns about illegal immigrants triggered angry calls for border fences and deportation two years ago. Now, voter anger appears to revolve around the belief that illegal immigrants are unfairly consuming government benefits, a fear that stems more from economic uncertainty than culture clashes, Democratic and Republican pollsters say.

Those concerns are not everywhere. But they are glaring in some of the white, working-class districts in Kansas, Indiana, North Carolina and New Hampshire that gave the Democrats control of the House last year. And they were on clear display in Lowell, Mass.

"Immigration played into the economic issue," said Francis Talty, a political science professor at the University of Massachusetts at Lowell who followed the Tsongas-Ogonowski contest. "Do you want illegal immigrants to get in-state [university] tuition? Do you want them to get driver's licenses? Do you want their children to get benefits under SCHIP? It was the benefit side that has real resonance, not the deportation thing."

A new national poll for National Public Radio, conducted by the Democratic polling firm Greenberg Quinlan Rosner, and the Republican firm Public Opinion Strategies, found that voters are more likely to side with Democrats than Republicans on war, taxes and spending, the economy, health care and health insurance for children, often by wide margins. On immigration, the Republicans hold a 49 to 44 percent lead.

But even that might be deceptively tight, said Glen Bolger, a partner with Public Opinion Strategies. In the poll, the GOP position was framed as getting control of the border, requiring illegal immigrants to reenter the country legally, stopping illegal immigrants from getting government benefits and sending illegal immigrants who are criminals packing. The Democratic position was, "It is impractical to expel 12 million people, but we need tougher controls at the borders, tougher penalties on employers who hire illegal immigrants and we should bar illegal immigrants from getting most government benefits, while allowing the law-abiding immigrants to get on a long path to citizenship."

That Democratic message is much tougher than the one most voters are hearing, Bolger argued. "They're actually in worse shape than they think they are," he said.

Dustin Olson, Ogonowski's campaign manager, said the candidate did not intend to make government benefits for illegal immigrants a centerpiece of the campaign, but it came up unbidden, again and again.

Internal polling found that Ogonowski's tough stance was winning 60 percent to 30 percent over the positions articulated by Tsongas, said Rob Autry, another Public Opinion Strategies partner who served as Ogonowski's pollster. Ogonowski's position on taxes had a narrower, 13 percentage point lead. Every other issue "was dicey," he said.

Then, just two days before Tuesday's balloting, Tsongas said illegal immigrants should each be allowed to get a driver's license. The final radio ad of the Ogonowski insurgency intoned, "And now for something truly incredible. You already know Niki Tsongas supports amnesty for illegal immigrants, but today we learned Niki Tsongas would go even further. Tsongas told the Boston Herald she wants to give driver's licenses to illegal immigrants."

John Walsh, chairman of the Massachusetts Democratic Party, said the final vote proved the limits of the immigration message. The district may be less Democratic than the presidential numbers make it appear, he cautioned. Republican gubernatorial candidates have carried it handily since 1990, until Deval L. Patrick, the current Democratic governor, won it with 51 percent of the vote, the same percentage Tsongas took.

If Ogonowski's internal polling showed him trailing by 10 points in September, his immigration blitz made up only five points, he said.

But in districts where Democrats do not have five points to give, those numbers loom large. "For the American people, and therefore all of us, it's emerged as the third rail of American politics," Emanuel said. "And anyone who doesn't realize that isn't with the American people."

**Story Link
**Image Courtesy of AP(Democrat Niki Tsongas won by only 51 to 45 percent in a district that gave presidential hopefuls Al Gore and John F. Kerry 57 percent of the vote)

States' Immigrant Policies Diverge, By Anthony Faiola (WP)

NEW YORK -- In New York, state officials are about to offer driver's licenses to illegal immigrants and already have extended limited medical coverage to those battling cancer. In Illinois, the state legislature just passed a law forbidding businesses there from using a federal database to check the legal status of employees.

Oklahoma, meanwhile, recently passed some of the toughest immigration laws in the nation, including one making it a felony to "transport" or "harbor" an illegal immigrant -- leading some to fear that people such as school bus drivers and church pastors may be at risk of doing time. Tennessee's legislature this year revoked laws granting illegal immigrants "driving certificates" and voted to allow law enforcement officers to effectively act as a state immigration police.

As the Bush administration and Congress sit gridlocked on an immigration overhaul, states are jumping into the debate as never before. In the process, they are creating a national patchwork of incongruous immigration laws that some observers fear will make it far more difficult to enact any comprehensive, federally mandated bill down the line.

The number of states passing immigration-related bills has skyrocketed this year. No fewer than 1,404 pieces of immigration-related legislation were introduced in legislatures during the first half of 2007, with 182 bills becoming law in 43 states. That is more than double the number of immigration-related state laws enacted during all of 2006, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures.

Some observers are alarmed by the trend, calling the widely divergent laws further evidence of America's cultural divide and saying they could pose new hurdles in reaching a national consensus on immigration. Piecemeal policymaking is opening the door to a flurry of legal battles -- the Department of Homeland Security, for instance, is suing Illinois for banning businesses there from confirming an employee's legal status through the federal E-Verify database, which state officials have called flawed and unreliable.

Others argue that the inability to reach a national solution has left states no choice. Governors are grappling with cities and towns that, in the absence of a national or state policy, have taken it upon themselves to pass local immigration laws either protecting or cracking down on illegal immigrants. This has occasionally lead to radically different regulations within individual states.

Still others assert that the rush of state activism has created an unforeseen opportunity. By viewing states as laboratories and studying the successes and failures of their various policies, Americans may find useful information, even a road map, for developing a national strategy.

Perhaps the most compelling current example is Oklahoma, where a package of tough new laws will not only make it a crime to transport or harbor illegal immigrants, but will also strip such immigrants of any right to receive most health care, welfare, scholarships or other government assistance; penalize employers who hire illegal workers; and force businesses to verify the legal status of new hires.

That "comports with my philosophy that illegal aliens will not come to Oklahoma or any other state if there are no jobs waiting for them," said Randy Terrill, a Republican state legislator and the author of the bill. "They will not stay here if they know they will get no taxpayer subsidy, and they will not stay here if they know if they ever come into contact with one of our fine law enforcement officers, they will stay in custody until they are physically deported."

Hispanic business groups, citing school enrollment losses and church parish figures, say the laws, which start going into effect later this year, have caused as many as 25,000 undocumented workers to flee the state in recent months. The loss is being decried by the Oklahoma State Home Builders Association.

"In major metro areas we are seeing people leave based on the perception that things are going to get bad for them and that this state doesn't want them here," said Mike Means, executive vice president of the association. "Now we're looking at a labor shortage. I've got builders who are being forced to slow down jobs because they don't have the crews. And it's not like these people are going back to Mexico. They're going to Texas, New Mexico, Kansas, Arkansas, anywhere where the laws aren't against them."

Means said that while construction wages haven't yet gone up in Oklahoma, they are likely to do so if the shortage worsens. Advocates of such laws say that is precisely how strict regulations on illegal immigration can help American workers -- by forcing wages higher. But construction industry leaders counter that a wage increase in Oklahoma, where builders are already paying $15 to $20 an hour for labor in a state with low unemployment, would lead to a net loss of jobs as some businesses are forced to close, particularly if other states allow less stringent hiring practices.

"This is what happens when you don't have a national policy," Means continued. "If I'm an Oklahoma builder on the border with Texas, you're going to face unfair competition because they don't have the laws we do. This needs to be standardized."

While local governments have been enacting a growing number of pro- and anti-immigration ordinances, states, with notable exceptions such as California, have until recently been more cautious. Experts say that is partly because achieving consensus on a state level is far harder than in smaller communities, but also because many states have awaited guidance from the federal government.

But as state officials have concluded that they can no longer afford not to act, they are often finding that doing so is an invitation for discord.

That is particularly true in New York, where Gov. Eliot L. Spitzer (D), the former attorney general who championed labor rights for immigrants, touched off a firestorm after announcing last month that he was reversing pre-Sept. 11 rules that had made it virtually impossible for illegal immigrants in the state to obtain a driver's license.

"The federal government has failed to establish a coherent or rational policy, and as a consequence, we are left to deal with this on a state level," Spitzer said in an interview with The Washington Post last week. "We're left dealing with the reality of up to 1 million [illegal] immigrants in New York. . . . I would prefer to have [them] carrying a legitimate form of identification, a driver's license that allows them to get insurance, allows our law enforcement to track their driving records and brings these drivers out of the shadows."

The ruckus over the policy change has been particularly heated because several of the Sept. 11, 2001, hijackers used illegally obtained driver's licenses as identification when renting vehicles or boarding flights. Spitzer argues that his plan will make it harder to get a license illegally, by requiring new electronic equipment in motor vehicles offices across New York to verify foreign passports and other documents used to obtain a license.

But many here counter that no matter what equipment is used, granting driver's licenses with a foreign passport as a primary proof of identity constitutes a significant security threat. Still others argue against the notion that illegal immigrants should be awarded any kind of government-issued identification.

Opposition is so fierce, particularly among state Republicans, that a handful of county clerks have publicly rebelled. Several have said they will instruct their driver's license offices -- many of which are staffed by county, not state, employees -- to disregard the new guidelines. And the Monroe County government, near Rochester, has gone as far as voting to continue making a valid Social Security number a requirement for a driver's license, setting up a potential legal showdown with the state.

"The government is trying to bring them into the fold, but how can you extend a privilege to drive legally in the United States to someone who is here illegally?" asked Frank J. Merola, the Republican clerk of Rensselaer County, near the state capital, Albany. "I'm not saying, 'Let's go out there and round them up,' but I am saying that it's wrong to reward them for breaking the law."

Not surprisingly, the plan, to go into effect in phases within eight months, is being hailed by New York's thriving immigrant community. A 33-year-old Manhattan lounge singer who would provide only his first name, Amilcar, because he arrived in the United States illegally from Mexico, said he has had to turn down numerous offers for work in New Jersey and elsewhere because he could not drive himself and was unable to afford the cost of transporting his equipment.

"But this is going to open new doors for me now," he said excitedly, noting that he has already made plans to buy a car. "I feel like having a driver's license is a going to be a great new freedom. It's why I came to America in the first place."

**Story Link
**Image Courtesy of AP: State Rep. Randy Terrill wrote strict new laws for illegal immigrants in Oklahoma. "Illegal aliens will not come to Oklahoma . . . if there are no jobs waiting for them," he said.

Latinos Unite Across Classes Against Curbs on Immigration, By Pamela Constable

José Marinay wears tailored suits, plays racquetball twice a week and displays photos of family-owned racehorses in his Annandale office. For years, the Colombian-born businessman thought he had little in common with the area's illegal immigrants, often villagers from Mexico and Central America who sleep 10 to a house and push lawn mowers or scrub pots for a living.

But the battle in Prince William County, where a measure to curb illegal immigration has thrown the Latino community into turmoil, changed his mind.

"This situation has brought together people who never would have sat in one room before," said Marinay, 50, who owns a real estate settlement company that has offices across Northern Virginia and a mainly Latino clientele. Since the measure was passed in July, he said, business has fallen 80 percent at his Manassas office, and he will probably close it. He also said a sense of growing hostility toward Latino immigrants has affected him.

"I dress well, and I drive a nice car. But on the weekends, when I am in shorts and sandals and I haven't shaved, I look Latino enough to scare a few folks," Marinay said. "There is a definite chill in the air. We may be a fragmented community, we may eat or celebrate in different places, but now they are looking at us in the same way. If we don't unite and work together, we will all sink."

Although not yet enacted into law, the resolution passed by the Prince William Board of County Supervisors has created a sense of siege and solidarity throughout the county's wider Latino community of about 30,000. Rumors circulate that people will be arrested if they board buses or drop off their children at school. Some legal residents, who bought homes and opened businesses, expecting to stay for years, say they are thinking of leaving.

"When we came to Manassas 20 years ago, it was a beautiful place. We were full of enthusiasm and optimism. But in the last three months, that has all gone away," said Carlos Alvarado, 45, a Salvadoran immigrant whose variety store sells fresh corn tamales, pi¿atas and frilly girls' dresses. Many customers are too broke or scared to shop, he said. "Everyone is talking about moving to Maryland or North Carolina, and I am almost bankrupt."

Sponsors and advocates of the resolution assert it is neither anti-Latino nor anti-immigrant. They insist it is aimed at stopping the steady influx of illegal immigrants during the past decade, who they complain are crowding neighborhoods and burdening schools. The measure would deny some services to illegal immigrants and allow local police to turn them over to federal officials.

At first, the region's Latino community was conflicted in its response, reflecting differences in class, education levels, immigration status, national origin and ideological roots. Within the business community, potential allies saw each other as economic rivals first.

The split was exacerbated by the confrontational actions of a group in Virginia, Mexicans Without Borders, that staged a number of protests against the measure, including a one-week store boycott in August. The group has called for a one-day countywide work stoppage today. Last month, the group put up a huge Liberty Wall in Manassas with a sign that condemns "racism against Hispanics." The sign was half torn down by vandals last weekend.

Many established Latino immigrants in Northern Virginia said they disapproved of such tactics, saying they feared the efforts would turn community goodwill against them, too. But as the firestorm over illegal immigration has spread, more affluent Latinos in the area, including entrepreneurs from Colombia and Venezuela, have come to realize they have a personal and economic stake in resolving the issue.

In August, a regional Latino business coalition was formed to seek subtler ways to fight anti-immigration measures, such as through personal lobbying and economic power. Coalition leaders said that it was hard to get some entrepreneurs involved but that more are being spurred to action by a mixture of self-interest, guilt and sympathy for those they once considered a lower class of immigrant.

"This is definitely not business as usual. If people can't buy groceries, they can't buy cars or houses," said Marinay, a coalition official. Other members work in real estate, banking, entertainment and insurance. "We are a wealthy group, and we have invested millions in this region," he said. "Why can't we get these people off our backs? It's our own fault for not being united."

Ricardo Juarez, a leader of Mexicans Without Borders, said that despite their tactical differences, he has come to appreciate the efforts of Marinay's committee. At a county hearing last Tuesday, Juarez and several Latino business owners testified against the resolution, using nearly identical arguments and similarly polite tones.

"We can march. They can lobby. We are each doing our part," Juarez said later. "We all want to solve the problem, and we all have to coexist in the community."

Ruben Andrade, who owns several cafes and clubs in Prince William, embodies the contradictions that have pulled successful Latinos in several directions on illegal immigration. A war refugee who came to the United States 25 years ago, he worked menial jobs and faced his share of discrimination. Now, he prides himself on running stylish establishments and criticizes Latino laborers who pick fights in bars and throw trash in the streets.

"We need to educate our people," Andrade said. "If your neighbor asks you to pick up your garbage, you don't tell them to go to hell. You need to learn English and respect the rules." On the other hand, he said, "this law will hurt the entire community. It is not against illegal immigrants; it is against all Latinos, and we must fight it together."

In Maryland, where attitudes toward immigrants have been more relaxed, at least one measure similar to Prince William's has been proposed in the city of Frederick, and Latino leaders throughout the state's suburbs are increasingly worried that the illegal immigration controversy will engulf the region.

A handful of Latino businessmen in Montgomery and Prince George's counties have joined meetings of the Virginia coalition. Gilbert Mejia, a Salvadoran restaurant owner, was the host of a recent meeting at his La Frontera restaurant in Gaithersburg. He said the fear of arrest and harassment among Latino immigrants has become so widespread that business at his restaurant has fallen sharply this summer.

"Look at this place. Normally, we would be full for lunch," said Mejia, gesturing around a room full of empty tables. "People are afraid the attitude from Prince William will drift here, that Maryland will be the next target. I have been in this country 27 years, and I've invested hundreds of thousands of dollars. We need to know what's coming our way."

In Prince William, many immigrants who have never joined a protest or a committee, but have spent years quietly securing a niche for their families, find themselves drawn to the unfamiliar fray of public debate. Last Tuesday, about 200 Latinos filled an overflow room outside a supervisors meeting in which the July resolution was being discussed, although a final vote was postponed.

One was Jesus Calva, 40, who lives with his wife and two children in Lake Ridge, a woodsy townhouse community. Calva entered the United States illegally as a teenager and started working as a tree trimmer for $3 an hour. Today, he makes $27 an hour with a large construction company, and he helped rebuild the Pentagon after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attack. On his living room wall is a certificate of thanks signed by former defense secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld.

"I have always appreciated this country, and it really upsets me to hear about this law," said Calva, who spoke briefly at last Tuesday's hearing. Afterward, he strode outside, sat down on a curb and began to weep in frustration. "Even when I was illegal, I worked hard for everything I got, and I paid a lot of taxes," he said. "If they don't like us, why don't they just say so? I love my home, but I don't want to live in a place where I am hated."

**Story Link

Fort Smith police applying to enforce immigration law, By Dave Hughs (NWA News)

Police Chief Kevin Lindsey said Tuesday he will apply this week to participate in a program that would allow local police officers to enforce federal immigration laws.

But it may be two years before Fort Smith’s application goes before U. S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. An e-mail to Lindsey last week from an immigration official in New Orleans said there is a backlog of other police agencies that also want to participate in the 287 (g) program.

Participation in the program gives specially trained local police officers authority to investigate illegal aliens for federal prosecution and deportation under the supervision of Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

City directors meeting for a study session Tuesday asked Lindsey to draw up a report on what the department would need to participate and the costs. Lindsey said he would make the report to the directors in two weeks.

He also said he would contact heads of the Van Buren Police Department and the Sebastian and Crawford county sheriff’s offices to gauge their interest in the program.

“I feel the task force approach, which Northwest Arkansas is using, is the best way to go,” Lindsey said.

Four agencies in Northwest Arkansas — Rogers and Springdale police departments and the Benton and Washington county sheriff’s offices — recently graduated 19 officers from Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s five-week training course in the Boston area. The four agencies have discussed working together in some instances on immigration enforcement efforts.

City directors were receptive to Lindsey’s proposal.

Director Bill Maddox encouraged Lindsey to pursue the program “with much vigor” and to try to recruit the other agencies in the Fort Smith area.

“We need to get started on this thing,” Maddox said. “It’s not going to get any better.”

Mayor Ray Baker, who has been adamant about the need to stem the influx of illegal immigrants, complained about the federal government’s lack of action in protecting the U. S. border.

The unchecked influx of illegal immigrants is putting the United States in danger of social disintegration, he said. He threatened to give directors copies of “The Rise and Fall of the Roman Empire” to illustrate his point.

“I intend to do everything I can within my power to make sure this stuff stops,” he said.

Director Ken Pyle said work needed to begin now to identify costs of the program and to line up other agencies to participate.

Lindsey said he would need to hire at least two more officers for Fort Smith to participate in the program. Each officer would cost the city more than $ 60, 000 a year in wages and benefits, he said.

Fort Smith also would have other “substantial costs” associated with the program. Those costs would include installation and continuing operation of a communications line to support computer and database equipment, the immigration agency’s Assistant Special Agent in Charge Katrina Berger said in her Sept. 18 e-mail to Lindsey. Berger is in the New Orleans district office.

The number of officers arresting illegal aliens as part of the program also would put pressure on the county jail. Lindsey told directors the federal immigration office in western Arkansas picks up and holds an average of 16 illegal aliens a month in the Sebastian County jail.

**Story Link
**Photo Courtesy, Wikitravel

Tower of Scrabble, BY Tom Miller (WP)

One of the vexing questions in the immigration debate is about language. Should everyone speak English? What's wrong with Spanish? Why can't we rise up to be a bilingual nation?

The debate can get nasty at times. A few months ago, former House speaker Newt Gingrich equated Spanish with "the language of living in a ghetto." California Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger suggested that Latinos simply turn off Spanish-language television.

Well, I have a solution to the tortured linguistic dilemma for Newt, the governor, ghetto-dwellers and the rest of us, one that could simultaneously unify, educate and amuse us all: bilingual Scrabble.

Here's how it's done: Get a Spanish-language Scrabble set -- they're available at lots of game stores and online. Then play the usual way, with a twist: Any word can be either English or Spanish.

For example, if you have the Spanish word for rum-- R-O-N on the board -- sandwich it between an F and a T and you get "front." Add E-R-A at the end, and there's the Spanish word for border, frontera .

Or this: You start with "ant," someone else stretches it slightly to "rant." The next player earns more points with M-I-G at the beginning -- migrant. Then it's back to you. You use two E's, one at the beginning and one at the end, and presto! You have emigrante, Spanish for emigrant.

Okay, here's a little trick with . . . your A-B-Cs. Your Spanish set has a double L, a double R, and an ? -- that's the "n" with a squiggly line, called a tilde, on top.

When my family plays bilingual Scrabble -- we're a mix of native English and Spanish speakers -- we're allowed to use the Spanish letters for English words, so the word "hello" might only use four tiles, H-E-LL-O. But you could use the same double L to begin the Spanish word llorona, a weeping woman.

Or, one player uses the double R in the middle of "terror," for example, and the next player uses the same double R for "arrestar," the verb "to arrest."

There are slightly more letters in the Spanish Scrabble set, and more possible points because of that.

In case you have a sabelotodo playing -- that's a know-it-all -- always keep a bilingual dictionary handy.

The best word we've come up with so far is jarroncillos -- little vases -- which has a J, a double R and a double L for 30 points in all. And that's before any double or triple squares.

Bilingual Scrabble is great home entertainment. It increases your ability and agility in both tongues, and it allows you to learn and have fun with a language without making fun of those who speak it.

We're thinking of inviting Lou Dobbs over for our next game night.

**Story Link
**Photo Courtesy of Shot A Day

At the U.S. Border, the Desert Takes a Rising Toll, BY Randal C. Archibold (NYT)

SASABE, Ariz. — “I can’t breathe,” Felicitas Martínez Barradas gasped to her cousin as they stumbled across the border in 100-degree heat. “The sun is killing me.”

They had been walking for a day and a half through the Sonoran Desert in southern Arizona, the purgatory that countless illegal immigrants pass through on their way from Mexico to the United States.

Ms. Martínez was 29 and not fit. A smuggler handed her a can of carbonated energy drink and caffeine pills. But she only got sicker and passed out, said her cousin, Julio Díaz.

There, near a mesquite tree a little over 10 miles from the border, Ms. Martínez died, her eyes open to the starry sky, her arms across her chest and Mr. Díaz, 17, at her side.

Gone was her dream of making enough money in the United States for a house for her four young children in Mexico.

“She was very set in her ways,” said a sister in Mexico, Ely, who had tried to persuade Ms. Martínez not to leave. “Once she decided to do something, there was no stopping her.”

The Border Patrol has reported a large drop in the number of illegal immigrants apprehended at the border with Mexico this year, the consequence, the agency says, of additional agents and the presence of National Guard troops. Yet the number of migrants dying while trying to cross here in Pima County is on pace to set a record, according to the county medical examiner.

Pima County, which includes the Tucson area, is one of the busiest areas for illegal crossings along the 2,000-mile border. The medical examiner’s office handled 177 deaths of border crossers in the first eight months of this year, compared with 139 over the same period last year and 157 in 2005, the year the most such deaths were registered.

The death of Ms. Martínez in July illustrates a primary reason that immigration scholars, the Border Patrol and government officials in the United States and Mexico believe people continue dying at such high rates: As they increasingly avoid heavily patrolled urban areas, they cross with little or no knowledge of the desert, whose heat, insects, wildlife and rugged terrain make it some of the most inhospitable terrain on the planet.

Like Ms. Martínez, who had worked cleaning houses in Mexico, many crossers arrive from central and southern Mexico, which is cooler and wetter than Arizona and where people are less familiar with the desert and its perils.

Before entering the Sonoran Desert, she had completed a three-day trip to the Mexican side of the border, part of the marathon trek from her lush, verdant subtropical village of Tepetlán, a four-hour drive northeast from Mexico City in Veracruz state.

Her cousin, Mr. Díaz, said they stayed in a room at the border with 15 other crossers and were each given two cans of tuna, a bag of tortilla chips, and six liters of water — a gallon and a half — by a smuggler before setting off for the desert.

The growing death toll here in recent years follows a Border Patrol clampdown in California and Texas. The goal was to drive migrant traffic away from cities like San Diego and El Paso and into the remote desert on the assumption it would act as a deterrent. But while there is no way of knowing its overall effect, the strategy is serving at least in part as a funnel for untold numbers of migrants.

The Government Accountability Office, in a report last year that analyzed Border Patrol statistics, said the annual number of reported deaths of border crossers doubled to 472 between 1995 and 2005, with the majority of those deaths in the desert near Tucson. The report suggested the agency has undercounted deaths because of inconsistent classification.

Border Patrol officials say that as the agency continues to add agents, as recently authorized by Congress, they will be better able to patrol the toughest areas of the Sonoran Desert. It said commanders recently met to finalize better methods to count migrant deaths.

“We are well aware of the perils of crossing the desert,” said Lloyd Easterling, an agency spokesman. “That’s why we are trying to get people to places to deter people from crossing to begin with.”

At the Mexican consulate in Tucson, a map is adorned with yellow and blue pieces of tape, for females and males, marking where migrants have died. Ms. Martínez is yellow No. 114.

Jerónimo García Ceballos, a consular official, maintains the map and devotes much of his work to identifying the dead and arranging for their bodies to be returned to Mexico.

Mr. García’s office is adorned with posters with slogans like “Don’t leave your life in the desert; your family asks you not to,” an example of the public service announcements that both Mexico and the United States Border Patrol have used along known migrant trails.

Ms. Martinez had telephoned home as she hopscotched across Mexico with Mr. Díaz. They rode in a smuggler’s sport utility vehicle to Xalapa, took a bus to Mexico City and then another, three-day bus trip to Altar, a ragged town that is a major staging area for migrants 50 miles south of the border.

“I would tell her it’s not too late to come back, I would work to pay off the smuggler,” said Ms. Martínez’s father, Vicente Martínez Ortega, recalling his telephone conversations with her along the way.

From Altar, they were driven toward the border in a van, Mr. Díaz said, and once they got close, they began walking. They headed along a known smuggling route toward Route 86 in Arizona, where migrants are often picked up and eventually carried to points across the United States.

Mr. Díaz said they were assured it would be a day or so of walking but Border Patrol agents say from the border to Route 86 is more like a three- or four-day walk.

Ms. Martínez’s last call home came a couple of days before she died. “She said, ‘Daddy, I’ve reached the border,’ ” Mr. Martínez said.

Tepetlán, a village of 1,800 people on a high plateau in the southeastern flanks of the Sierra Madre Oriental, has shrunk in population in recent years as scores of its citizens head “al otro lado,” to the other side, as the United States is called.

Family and friends there said Ms. Martínez had chosen to believe, like many others who try to cross, that nothing ill would come to her.

Her younger brother had successfully made a similar journey eight months before and found work at a factory in Georgia, but said he had told his sister of the exhausting, broiling march in the desert and warned her not to do it.

“I told her work here is hard and sometimes there isn’t any,” her brother Vicente, 24, said in a telephone interview from Georgia, where his job helps support his parents, wife and two young children in Tepetlán. “But she thought everything would come out all right.”

Her father had crossed several years ago in San Diego, scrambling away from Border Patrol agents tracking him and his group with helicopters and floodlights. He found field work in California and Nebraska and sold ice cream pops in Chicago before tiring of the climate and intermittent work and returning home to harvest coffee in Tepetlán.

Mr. Díaz, too, had made the trek just a year before, but said he was caught by the Border Patrol and immediately deported.

The Martínez family lives modestly in a two-room house in Tepetlán. It sits on an unpaved road where rural scenes naturally unfold: men riding burros, boys playing with a captured armadillo, and fish and fruit vendors hawking wares from battered pickup trucks.

Ms. Martínez had worked cleaning houses in Veracruz and at the airport there for a year but she found it hard to make enough money to care for her children, ages 6 to 13.

Her personal life, too, had been turbulent for years. Family members describe her as somewhat rebellious and headstrong.

She had dropped out of high school at 14, was married and pregnant by 15 and had left the father of her four children last year, after several fights.

She had remarried and was looking for ways to make big money for a new house.

Ms. Martínez had heard that Mr. Díaz was planning to make another try, through a smuggler who was a distant relative, and borrowed money from a lender in town. The cost would be $3,000, half paid up front, half after a successful crossing.

But it was not. Around 11 a.m. on July 6, Border Patrol Agent Kelly Kirby got a call about a young migrant reporting his cousin possibly dead in the desert. Every time a call about a migrant in distress comes in, Agent Kirby says he hopes for the best but knows to expect the worst.

Mr. Díaz said Ms. Martínez died just before sunset the night before. He cried and was scared, he said, and built a fire, hoping to be spotted.

He set off in the morning to find help, eventually flagging down a passing Border Patrol agent.

Agent Kirby responded and with Mr. Díaz’s help quickly found Ms. Martínez.

She was wearing jeans and a blouse. Foam around her mouth was evidence of a seizure. Though she had only walked about a day and a half, her physical condition and the insufficient water and food she had consumed made her susceptible to a desert death.

“She did about as much as she could to not make it,” Agent Kirby said.

When Ms. Martínez’s body was returned to Tepetlán, the coffin was brought into the house for a wake. Her father opened the lid and looked at his daughter’s face.

“I had to look, to see her,” Mr. Martínez said.

Mr. Martínez, with the help of a friend who is a mason, is completing work on a tomb, which includes a sculpture of the town church where Ms. Martínez’s mother took her for a blessing before she left for the United States.

Watching the work on the tomb from a distance one afternoon in late August, Mr. Díaz spoke of his life since his cousin’s death and the possibility of another attempt to cross.

“Not right now,” he said, “but who knows, later on?”

**Story Link
**Photo Courtesy of Monica Almeida (NYT)

Wide Open Border (08.31.07)

Farmers Fed Up With Federal Government

Some quotes from farmers:
"...multiple felons come coming to my front yard weekly..."
"...napalm the river..."
"...land mines at the border..."

Immigrants’ Labors Lost, By Mark Lange (NYT)

Imagine we wanted to create a huge Latino underclass in this country. We would induce more than 500,000 illegal immigrants to enter annually. We would see Latinos account for half of America’s population growth. We would turn a hardened eye toward all 44 million Latinos, because 12 million jumped our borders to meet our labor demand.

We would financially motivate but morally deplore illegal immigrants’ determination to break our laws and risk their lives to work for us. We would let nativist, xenophobic amnesiacs pillory the roughly 25 percent of Latinos who were here illegally, at the expense of the 75 percent who were legal. CNN and Fox News would reduce Latinos to fodder for fear-mongering, and the documentariat would make them objects of pity, when they wanted and warranted neither.

We would know that if we paid them, they would come, but we would offer no legitimate employment. We would adopt a let’s-pretend labor policy in our fields, yards, factories and restaurants, and for child care, construction and cleaning, with a wage fakery worthy of the Soviet Union. There, the joke was “we pretend to work, and they pretend to pay us.” Here they would work, hard — and we would pay them, sort of, but pretend not to, denying ourselves the future tax revenue needed to pay for services we faulted them for needing.

We would ensure that the education system failed them, lamenting a dropout rate more than twice that of blacks and four times that of whites. Keeping incomes impossibly low, we would sanction Mexican-American welfare receipts twice those of natives. We would let the states launch loads of legislative half-fixes. We would have the Immigration and Naturalization Service and Homeland Security Department start an “even tougher” and more futile paper chase. We would see desperate workers fake new Social Security numbers or go underground for the next boss seeking this shabby labor discount.

We do all of this — and let it cost us more as a country — because it is a little cheaper for us as individuals and employers. And whether we knew it or not, we are deliberately fencing in our own economy.

It is in our self-interest to support labor mobility, development and advancement. Growth in productivity, fundamentally, is how we raise everyone’s standard of living. It starts with the first rung.

This month, Congress can avert a replay of the 1986 amnesty debacle by reserving permanent residency and citizenship for those who get in line and play by existing rules. Let nobody’s status be “adjusted” or “granted.” Instead, have employers sponsor anyone on their shadow payrolls to apply for a tamper-proof holographic guest worker card. Deport, adequately south of the border, anyone not sponsored. That won’t mean all 12 million. In 1954, when illegal Latino immigration was twice what it is now, a manageable number of deportations motivated the majority to repatriate.

To enforce sanctions against employers, grant the states (who bear the social costs) federal transfer payments for every undocumented worker they find, which will keep Congress and future administrations honest about paying for enforcement. If agriculture needs a lower minimum wage, negotiate and legislate it. To address the supply side, in the next trade agreement insist that Mexico adequately ensure its workers’ right to organize — to support wages and worker retention there, and a fairer fight for American exports.

The strength of an abstraction like “the economy” comes from the hands and minds of motivated and prepared people. Whether or not the left is committed to social equity — or the right, to equality of opportunity — we have at least 12 million pragmatic reasons to turn a potentially permanent underclass into a productive asset. Rather than fencing aspiring contributors out, comprehensive reform means Congress getting serious about entry-level job training and midcareer education programs for all workers. They deliver better economic returns than border patrols do.

The guy with the leaf-blower not only can learn English, he — like the unemployed steelworker — should have a chance to learn auto repair or programming. He’ll start with the jobs “ordinary Americans” won’t do. But we impair our economic future if we leave him there, imagining that’s all he or his children will ever do.

**Image Courtesy of Candace Beck
**Story Link